Mr.Rebates

Mr. Rebates

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Billions of Our Sisters

Nov 8, 2010

Here is shy the feminazi's are not too happy with Nov 2, 2010 midterm elections, for starters the Socialist Democrats lost a lot of seats to the Family oriented Repulicans, bad news for Family destroying Fascist Feminazi witches, enough said. Read the entire article below. Why would the Feminazi's be interested in Foreign Policy? Well for starters they want to spread the world over laws Domestic Violence act, and enact the proposed I-VAWA, so they can corrupt the world with there disgusting views and deranged idea's that has decayed Western society for ages.
The Day the US learns to stop budding in to other nations affairs the better off the world will be, history has not taught anything to Americans unfortunately, one of the main reasons for the present economic crisis amongst many other factors I must all. Example had the USA not gone to war in Iraq that would have saved Billions in not Trillions of Tax dollars better spent to create jobs and economic activity. The US needs to get her own house in order, end of story.

Last week the United States was rocked by a mid-term election and a party-control switch in the House of Representatives.  As my colleague Romina Boccia pointed out, largely absent from the campaign platforms was mention of foreign policy.

True, the U.S. has its own set of hurdles, but we are still an important player in the world and (although some would hesitate to admit it) a good example to other countries of a place where public policy honors personal freedoms.

I've had the opportunity to attend a conference in Istanbul, Turkey, this weekend on behalf of IWF, and Friday at dinner, a young Turkish woman admitted to me that many of her compatriots see Turkey as a small United States.  Or, at least the country aspires to be like the United States.

At the opening ceremony of the conference, the speaker noted that Turkish women in Istanbul are "not seen."  In this respect, Turkey is not similar to the U.S. (where women are achieving great success educationally and economically), but Turkey is similar to several other countries, particularly in the Middle East and other parts of the developing world - places where women are simply "not seen."

In a way this weekend, I feel that I have stepped back in time.  I never had the opportunity to watch the Women's Movement of the 1960's take place in the U.S., but women (even wearing headscarves) in Turkey are now rallying to break stereotypes, encourage girls' education, provide economic opportunities for women, and raise public awareness of the value of women.  My hope is that Turkey will become a leader to some of its near neighbors who lag behind on women's rights.

In my family in the United States, my grandfather often brags about his "six women."  His line of descendants includes his two daughters and three granddaughters (plus grandma - that's his six).  I took for granted as I grew up that some men in other parts of the world would not feel so proud to have only female descendants, and I would not have been so cherished and valued by my family.  In some parts of the world, women are still treated like property, or at least as inferior beings, often married off at young ages, abused, and not even protected by law.

I am in full support of women's progress in Turkey.  Nonetheless, I was wary of the first session in this conference.  It was entitled "Women's Poverty and Social Justice."  The cause for my caution was the overuse (and abuse) of the words "social justice" by so many American campaigns - some under the feminist banner - to make government bigger and restrict the very market that could provide women with opportunities.  But today I was surprised to hear a reasonable, politically moderate panel explain the great rewards that economic growth and development have for women.

Of course I didn't agree with everything that was said (for example, one panelist said that social justice means that there's an even distribution of income, and I believe that it is more just that people who work harder or perform more valued work receive higher pay).  But I was truly honored to be a witness to a frank conversation about how access to education and economic opportunities are good for women, and furthermore how this affects families and communities because of the great contribution women make as mothers and caretakers.

One of the panelists emphasized the role of women in the family, and encouraged women's groups to work with religious groups (not against them) to empower women.  This same speaker closed with words that still send a chill down my spine.  At the end of his remarks he put down his papers and said in English in a strong accent, "Don't take a moment off to think, ‘oh well, we are okay over here.'  There are billions of your sisters still suffering in the rest of the world." 

The desire to be free is set in the hearts of all people, not just Americans.  Our Founding Fathers wrote in the Declaration of Independence, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."  It is not the place of government to give us our rights, as men or women, but good governing means protecting the safety of the governed to enjoy these natural rights.  As Americans, we should recognize that all men and all women are endowed with the same rights that we enjoy, and we should be outspoken supporters of international movements that seek to recognize the human dignity and natural rights of all people.

Man 'set on fire' dies in hospital

Nov 15, 2010

MUMBAI: Rajendra Jaiswal, the man who was set on fire one-and-a-half months ago, allegedly by his wife after an argument succumbed to his injuries at Masina Hospital in Byculla on Saturday.

Jaiswal (33) was admitted with 75% burns after his wife allegedly set him on fire by pouring kerosene on him, following an argument. The Vakola police had registered a case of attempt to murder against his wife Jyoti (31).

The police have now registered a murder case against Jyoti, who had in her complaint, accused her husband of making dowry demands.

The deceased, a DJ, used to stay with his wife at William building in Yashwant Nagar, Vakola. Jyoti, who sustained 30% burn injuries, had claimed that Rajendra had tried to immolate himself to falsely implicate her in the case. Jyoti told the police that she sustained injuries because she tried to save her husband.

According to the police, The body of the deceased has been sent to Rajawadi Post-Mortem Centre. His wife has not been arrested as the police are still investigating the case. tnn

The incident had occurred on the afternoon of September 27, following a heated argument between the couple. Initially, Rajendra had been admitted to VN Desai Hospital from where he was shifted to a private hospital and later to Masina Hospital.

Jyoti had also alleged that her husband was demanding a divorce in order to marry another woman. However, the deceased's family has denied the accusation levied by Jyoti. Instead, in their complaint, Rajendra's father had told the police that the couple, who got married in 2004, had heated arguments over various household matters and their daughter-in-law had falsely accused their son of having an extra-marital affair.

Monday, November 15, 2010

You've got what you want, girls, stop whining: Has feminism made women unhappy? (well THIS certainly will) Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-1190675/Youve-got-want-girls-Stop-whining-Has-feminism-women-unhappy-THIS-certainly-will.

June 4, 2009

One of these days, women really ought to make up their minds about what it is exactly they want. Then they could do us all a big favour by stating, unequivocally, what they have decided it is they want. And then they could cover themselves with glory by sticking to what they say.

In other words, it's about time women - especially their self-appointed mouthpieces - started behaving like fully grown-up adults and citizens. Or is that asking too much? Apparently, it is.
A survey published this week tells us that women today are far from happy with their lot and wish they could live more like their mothers and grandmothers - not having to work so much and free to spend more time with their children.
 
 
feminism
The fact is, if women do succeed in having it all, the effort and the burden will probably break their back
The survey, The Paradox Of Declining Female Happiness, reports that women of all ages and income are less happy than women of 40 years ago and less happy than today's men.

Despite sexual and marital liberation, massively increased career opportunities and earning power, educational privileges and the wholesale demolition of the inhibiting conventions that restricted the lives of women in the past, today's women report themselves as feeling a low sense 'of life satisfaction and well-being'.
Well, men might be entitled to retort, welcome to the real world, sweethearts.

What you are complaining about is the very same life that you promoted and celebrated when you were swanking around chanting 'sisters are doing it for themselves'.

One woman commentator perfectly expressed the problem illustrated by this report, explaining: 'It's almost as if, in some ways, we got it all and then found out it wasn't quite exactly what we wanted.'
This is exactly what I have been predicting - against a torrent of vilification and derision from feminists - for more than 20 years.

My book, No More Sex War: The Failures Of Feminism, was not only the first radical, egalitarian, progressive critique of the ideology of feminism (the last and most durable of the 20th century's false secular faiths, like the Marxism from which it drew its cardinal tenets).

The book also analysed in detail the intolerable consequences that were bound to result for women if they were expected both to contribute substantial earnings to family life and, at the same time, be solely or even chiefly responsible for child-care.

It has been obvious to me for some 25 years that social and political equality for women (which I wholeheartedly and unreservedly welcome) could not work unless men became equal as parents at home.

The selfish, conceited, man-despising yet predatory 'have-it-all' feminism of the Cosmopolitans was always a recipe for insupportable burdens for women, for intolerable stress, for a self-rebuking, guilt-laden failure to cope and, in the end, for being downright miserable about it all.
The fact is, lady, if you do succeed in having it all, the effort and the burden will probably break your back.

Before we sympathise with this sad plight, however, perhaps we should remind ourselves of the multitude of unprecedented benefits, blessings and advantages that have been showered upon the modern women who are now whingeing about the poverty of their 'life satisfaction'.

They have become the most privileged, the most cosseted and indulged women in the history of humanity. They are the first to live their whole lives without threat of war or plague. They are the first women ever born who could control and regulate their fertility with complete reliability, and they are the first to have the means and the right to choose an abortion if they slipped up or changed their minds about being pregnant.
The selfish, conceited, man-despising yet predatory 'have-it-all' feminism of the Cosmopolitans was always a recipe for insupportable burdens for women

They are the first to be free of any constraints in dress or manners, and the first for whom no limit exists to the heights to which they can aspire in any pursuit - be it politics, public service, commerce, the professions, the arts and sport.


You would never think it if you listened to feminists, but the truth is that every one of those benefits has been advanced and secured for women by men.

Motivated by conscience and a desire for justice and equality, it was primarily men who revolutionised the position of women. I can see your jaw dropping at this peculiar idea, but if you don't believe it, ask yourself these questions: how many women MPs were sitting on the benches of the House Of Commons when, by a majority of two-to-one, Parliament passed the Bill in 1918 which extended the franchise to women? Answer: not one.


Who was responsible for the Abortion Act of 1967 and the Divorce Reform Act of 1969? Men. Who brought into law the Equal Opportunities Act and the Sex Discrimination Act? Men.
Yet women of our time have lived all their lives with an unquestioning belief that they are members of an oppressed class of victims who have had to struggle heroically for liberation against a society cruelly organised by men for the benefit of men ('Women are the n*****s of the world,' as that irredeemable twit Yoko One once declared).


This is the unpardonable fault of feminism. Of all the disservices to our age fostered by that pernicious and poisonous ideology, none has been more ruinous than this preposterous lie - that men keep women down in order to preserve their own powers.

The manifest truth of the past 200 years is that men wanted change for women as much as they wanted it for themselves.

It is because we all go along with that feminist fiction that we cannot even begin to recognise the inequalities and the disadvantages of men in family life. It simply doesn't register on our barometer of injustice that unmarried men still have no automatic rights in law as parents.

Similarly, because we suppose that all gender injustice and inequality is to be found in the position of women, we don't take any notice of the inequalities of men in divorce.

In survey after survey, men report that they resent the demands of work and that they wish they could have more time with their growing children. Yet the law continues to discriminate against fathers in the provision of time away from work to care for children.

We don't even count it as an intolerable injustice and inequality that men are still required to work five years longer than women before they become eligible for a state pension (it is entirely typical of feminists' capacity to pervert the truth that Germaine Greer once described that inequality as an advantage for men).
Men don't go on about it, but the truth is that things aren't entirely wonderful for us, either. The difference is that we don't suppose we've got a God-given right to blame women for it.



Murdoch: Mayor Bloomberg Called President Obama the Most "Arrogant" Man He Ever Met

Nov 5, 2010

You may recall that during President Obama’s vacation at Martha’s Vineyard, on August 27 he took in a round of golf at the Vineyard Golf Club in Edgartown, playing golf with New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg; Democratic lawyer, business man and éminence grise Vernon Jordan; and White House trip director (and former golf pro) Marvin Nicholson.

The pool report at the time said that "We are told Bloomberg and Obama talked in the clubhouse for about 15 mins about the economy. They then went to the driving range.”

Apparently – at least from a second-hand report – the Obama-Bloomberg convo could have gone better.
In an interview with The Australian Financial Review, conservative media magnate Rupert Murdoch says ''Bloomberg said it was a pleasant day. In conversation he put a few ideas … He said it was like verbal ping pong.”

Bloomberg, according to Murdoch, “came back and said 'I never met in my life such an arrogant man'."
A spokesman for Bloomberg did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Murdoch – the Australian-born founder, chairman, and chief executive officer of News Corporation, which owns conservative media outlets ranging from Fox News Channel to the New York Post – is described by The Age as saying in the interview that President Obama “might make great speeches but doesn't get things done and doesn't listen to anybody.”

Earlier this year, News Corporation gave $1 million to the Republican Governors Association as well as $1 million to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which largely worked to elect Republicans in the 2010 midterm elections.

The interview was first picked up in the U.S. by The Politico’s Ben Smith.

 --Jake Tapper

UPDATE: It's worth pointing out that Bloomberg and Murdoch have been friends and allies for years.
In an August 2001 story about Bloomberg’s mayoral ambitions in the Melbourne Australia Herald Sun, New York Post columnist Steve Dunleavy says that Bloomberg is "probably better known in Bondi" -- a suburb of Sydney, Australia -- "than in Brooklyn" because Bloomberg News runs on Australian pay TV.
"He's probably right,” Bloomberg said in the profile. "That's thanks to Rupert (Murdoch). He put it on Foxtel well before it took off in other parts of the world."

Bloomberg also chatted with his longtime friend before he made public his plans to change New York City’s term-limits laws and run for a third term; he’d need the New York Post, which Murdoch owns, on board.
Joyce Purnick, author of “Mike Bloomberg: Money, Power, Politics,” was given unprecedented access to the mayor, and describes Bloomberg in Sun Valley, Idaho, making plans with Murdoch, and the two dining at Primavera in Manhattan. Bloomberg was planning to announce his intention to seek a third term but had not made up his mind yet. Murdoch was clearly on board.

Writes Purnick:

“Murdoch, who considered the Democrats lining up to succeed the mayor ‘too horrible, too dangerous’ to contemplate, wanted to run an editorial in the Post immediately. Wait just a little while, Bloomberg advises. ‘He said, “Don’t come out for me yet, I don’t want to leave you out on a limb,”’ Murdoch recalled. The mayor had to take care of more business first…An obviously orchestrated rollout began on September 29…The next day, a Post editorial trumpeted RUN, MIKE, RUN…

In September of this year the two joined forces to testify in favor of immigration reform.
Deputy Mayor Howard Wolfson says he "just reached the Mayor in Hong Kong. He remembers the conversation differently. As he has said many times he believes all Americans should be rooting for the President to succeed."

Feminist Groups Call Conservative Women ‘Nutty’ and ‘Whores,’ Media Ignores

This is like the Pot calling the Kettle Black, Feminazi calling Conservative Women, "Nutty and Whores." You can call Feminazi anything you want, but they fit the bill of Hypocrites, read on.

NOW endorses liberal male candidates over conservative females, despite bemoaning lack of women in politics.


“Feminists” have complained for years about the lack of women in public office, insisting that once females gained prominent positions of power that all the supposed ills that plagued women would be abolished – sexism, male dominance in the workplace, the gender wage gap, and so on.

In fact, even with a record number of women running for office this year – thanks, in part, to a massive surge in the number of conservative female candidates – “feminists” continue to fret to the media that the 2010 election season will be a major “setback” for women in politics.

USA Today exemplified this trend on Oct. 4, with a splashy front page cover story warning that “In Congress, a step back for women is looming.”

But despite claims by “feminists” that they want to see more females in politics, they have been doing all they can to block conservative women candidates during this election cycle – even if it means stooping to tactics that are blatantly sexist and misogynistic.

“Feminists” have acted in ways that they claim to deride – portraying women they dislike as crazy or slutty, denigrating female candidates as “whores” (while declaring the characterization off-limits in regard to female Democrats), and mocking their sexuality. The National Organization for Women (NOW), a feminist organization that says it strives “achieve gender parity in government,” has not endorsed a single Republican female candidate – but it has endorsed several of their liberal male opponents.

While the media have ignored the hypocrisy of the so-called feminist movement during this election cycle, reporters have continued to treat to groups like NOW as respectable, pro-women organizations. Many articles even ignore the liberal leanings of these groups.

“Women's issues have changed over the years, but battle for equality continues,” read a recent Chicago Tribune headline above an article profiling NOW.

The Boston Herald simply labeled NOW as the “nation's most powerful women's group” in a Sep. 10 article, and the Baltimore Sun described NOW as a group that is currently “working to elect candidates of both sexes who support women's equality” on Aug. 29.

Feminist Sexism Against Female Conservatives

The self-proclaimed feminist movement’s sexism – and selective outrage over sexist comments – has been going on for years, but it has reached a fever pitch during this election cycle.

After Jerry Brown was caught discussing whether or not to call his conservative opponent Meg Whitman a “whore,” NOW barely batted an eyelash – and endorsed Brown just hours later.

In fact, the president of the California chapter of NOW even agreed with Brown’s characterization of his opponent.

“Meg Whitman could be described as ‘a political whore.’ Yes, that's an accurate statement,” California NOW president Parry Bellasalma told Talking Points Memo after the incident.

And even after far-left Rep. Alan Grayson (D-FL) referred to the female adviser to the Federal Reserve chairman as a “K Street whore,” NOW has continued to endorse him.

This, despite the fact that NOW has loudly opposed the use of the term “whore” to describe women in politics. Last November, the organization slammed Fox News host Glenn Beck for using the term to describe Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-LA).

“So what's wrong with equating politicians with prostitutes? After all, it's a quick and vivid way of accusing legislators of selling their votes (and presumably their principles) for money,” wrote NOW on its website. “The problem is, the accusation conjures up an image almost exclusively of women – typically streetwalkers, but sometimes high-class escorts like Beck describes. Also, the term seems to flow so easily off the tongues of men seeking to degrade successful, powerful (perhaps ‘uppity’?) women.”

In addition to ignoring the use of derogatory terms by liberal male politicians, “feminists” regularly bash conservative political figures like Sarah Palin, Nevada senatorial candidate Sharon Angle, and Delaware senatorial candidate Christine O’Donnell as nutty or slutty.

Francine McKenna, a feminist blogger for the Huffington Post, wrote in September that Palin – who calls herself a feminist – was the “Stepford” robot of the conservative movement.
The Republican strategists have successfully engineered a ‘Stepford-like’ robot candidate intended to appeal to men of all political persuasions who are excited by the sexy schoolteacher, kitten with a whip persona she’s so good at promoting,” wrote McKenna. “That segment of the voting population – men between the ages of 18-98 who are not die-hard liberals – doesn’t care if she makes up words. In fact, they’d like her even more if she didn’t talk at all.”
The avowed feminist blog Jezebel regularly mocks O’Donnell, and has called her “batsh-t,” and the Rachel Maddow show has featured videos on O’Donnell’s sex life and views on masturbation. Last month, Joy Behar called the Delaware candidate a “witch who doesn't masturbate.”
And Citizen Radio host and “feminist” writer Allison Kilkenny has bashed Sharon Angle as “crazy.”
“Unlike Rand Paul, Sharron just can’t hide the crazy, and she’s not savvy enough to pass off the delusional stuff spewing from her mouth as ‘being mavericky,’” wrote Kilkenny.
In a column denouncing “Republican ‘Mean Girls,’” Maureen Dowd compared Angle to “the inebriated lady in a country club bar” and described her views as “nutty.”
Political War on Female Conservatives

The “feminist movement” has also waged a battle against female conservatives through political means. NOW’s extensive list of endorsed candidates doesn’t include a single conservative woman, despite the fact that there are record numbers of them running for congress. According to the Washington Post, “107 Republican women have filed to run for a House seat.”

NOW has even gone so far as to endorse several of the male opponents of female conservative candidates. The group endorsed Paul Hodes over Kelly Ayotte in New Hampshire, Chris Coons over Christine O’Donnell in Delaware, Dan Maffei over Ann Marie Buerkle in New York, Steve Cohen against Charlotte Bergmann in Tennessee, and Mike Ross against Beth Ann Rankin in Arkansas.

NOW’s opposition to conservative women seems to even transcend the subject of legal abortion – a major policy issue for many feminists, who say it is non-negotiable. Pro-choice conservative female politicians like Rep. Mary Bono Mack in California, Ginny Brown-Waite in Florida, Rep. Judy Biggert in Illinois, Sens. Susan Collins and Olympia Snowe in Maine, Rep. Kay Granger in Texas, and Rep. Shelley Moore Capito in West Virginia still have not won endorsements from the organization.

Despite the fact the neglect or even active hostility of allegedly feminist groups for conservative female women candidates, the media continues to give credence to feminist movement’s lamentations over the lack of women in politics.

“I want women in office,” Betty Smith, the vice president of the Arkansas Federation of Democratic Women, told USA Today on Oct. 4.

In an August Baltimore Sun article on how the “Ranks of women in congress could thin,” the paper reported that “Prospects of a setback leave advocates of women's rights determined to try to prevent it.”

“That is not going to happen,” the Sun quoted Terry O'Neill, president of the National Organization for Women, as saying. The paper added that the group “is working to elect candidates of both sexes who support women's equality.”

In a June press release, O’Neill noted that, “Early support for women candidates is critical to their success. We must continue backing women like [Alabama Democrat] Terri Sewell if we hope to achieve gender parity in government.”

But from the actions of self-proclaimed feminists and feminist groups, their political goal clearly isn’t gender parity – it’s liberal hegemony.

Promote education among women: Pratibha

 True I whole heartily agree education is the key to eradicating poverty for all sex's, but no matter how much eduction one might have it doesn't eradicate Corruption. Any nation needs to first and foremost eradicate corruption at all levels. Even to get a proper education one has to Bribe,Bribe,Bride, how does one get rid of this? Education of Women doesn't get rid of corruption, just look at some of the elected officials anywhere in the world.
Only reason these feminists focus on Eduction for Women issues is because they are receiving FREE Tax payer funding from the US Feminazi organizations. These people have blinders on and don't see the bigger picture.

Nov 14, 2010

Women's education is a powerful driver of health, childcare
‘India has played a major role in reducing global poverty'


NEW DELHI: President Pratibha Patil on Saturday underlined the need for strong economic growth for achieving the United Nations' Millennium Development Goals (MDG). She stressed the need to promote education among women, as it was a powerful driver of health and childcare.

Addressing the ‘International Conclave on 2010 Partners' Forum: Innovation and Partnership for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health,' Ms. Patil said the global economic recovery would help in achieving two major goals of MDG — poverty alleviation and maternal health.

“So far as India is concerned, our economy has shown resilience and is expected to grow by over 8 per cent this year and then further accelerate,” she said, pointing out that the country had played a major role in reducing global poverty.

Major contributor

“India has been major contributor to poverty reduction… this has been acknowledged in the U.N. Secretary-General's report on MDG.”

Stating that India recognised its burden of maternal, newborn and child mortality as one of the highest in the world, the President said: “The curative aspect of healthcare is very important, but along with it, a broad approach that looks at the entire range of health care from preventive to rehabilitation should be adopted, which can result in a higher dividend in terms of healthy individuals.”

She said the relationship between poverty, lack of education and limited access to health services was well recognised. “India has recently enacted a Right to Education Act, under which all children in the 6-14 age group will receive free education. When fully realised, this will have a profound impact on health indicators as well,” she added.

Union Health Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad said that for ensuring a rapid reduction in maternal and child mortality, the government had identified 250 backward and inaccessible districts accounting for one-third of the population.

The conference was organised by the Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, in collaboration with the Partnership for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health — an alliance of governments, U.N. agencies, professional bodies, non-governmental organisations and civil society groups, which was launched here five years ago to support global health efforts.

Judicial accountability Bill a cure worse than disease: Justice Shah

Nov 14, 2010

Without transparency, there could be no accountability

Secrecy is only the preserve of dictatorship: Justice Shah
Cosmetic exercise designed to fool people: Prashant Bhushan

PANAJI: Highlighting serious lacunae in the proposed Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010, the former Chief Justice of the Delhi and Madras High Courts Ajit Prakash Shah on Saturday cautioned that the measure was an example of cure being worse than the disease.
“There is a complete misalignment and a mismatch between the present system of judicial appointments and core values of judicial accountability.”

He was delivering the keynote address after inaugurating a two-day seminar on “Strengthening Democracy: Role of Judiciary” organised here by the International Centre Goa (ICG) in association with the Media Information and Communication Centre of India, the Friedrich Ebert foundation-India and the Goa High Court Bar Association.

Emphasising the need for accountability, Justice Shah said that without transparency, there could be no accountability; secrecy was only the preserve of a dictatorship.

Analysing judicial accountability and its nuances, Justice Shah said there must be a balance between the competing principles of judicial independence, on the one hand, and accountability and transparency, on the other.

Straightjacket definition

His primary objection is that the Bill seeks to provide a straightjacket definition of “misbehaviour” under Section 2(j), which tends to lose its elasticity and become both under-inclusive and over-inclusive. A minor, inadvertent breach of judicial standards could constitute misconduct, and in so far as the definition is exhaustive, it is incapable of catching within its fold any “misbehaviour” that might not be covered by this provision.

Secondly, he said, the Bill tended to render the Oversight Committee just a post office referring each complaint to the Scrutiny Panel. This was likely to lead to multiplicity of complaints against judges and also a colossal waste of time.

Justice Shah's major objection is to the composition of the Scrutiny Panel which consists of three members, two of whom would be judges sitting in the same court as the judge against whom a complaint has been made. It would be difficult for judges to dispassionately decide a case against one of their own colleagues and sitting with them day in, day out.

Also, the composition and tenure of the Investigation Committee was undefined. Theoretically, therefore, it was possible for a layperson without any knowledge, experience and standing to be part of an inquiry panel against a sitting judge of a superior court.

Justice Shah said the Bill would create an atmosphere of total secrecy, more regressive than the present system, and there did not appear to be any rational reason for the change.
The idea of “minor” punishment was unworkable and it had the potential to seriously undermine judicial status.

Only binary system
will work

A situation where sitting judges were publicly censured but they were still sitting on the Bench and deciding cases would damage the credibility of the entire system.

“This is an area where only a binary system of punishment can work. Either the judge is guilty and must be impeached, or he is not, and no action must be taken against him,” Justice Shah said, observing that the challenge was to develop mechanisms of accountability that did not undermine judicial independence.
Later speaking on ‘Accountability vs. Independence of Judiciary', Supreme Court lawyer Prashant Bhushan described the Bill as a “cosmetic exercise designed to fool the people into believing that some kind of exercise was conducted by the government to clean up corruption in the judiciary.” The outcome of it would be absolutely “zero.”

“If the government was serious on judicial accountability, then why is it not opening out consultations with public,” asked Mr. Bhushan and dubbed any exercise of consultations with judges “bogus” because judges had a vested interest in the Bill.

Goa Speaker Pratapsingh Rane and ICG Director Nandini Sahai were present.

NCW to SC: Is it cruelty to threaten divorce?

Oct 12, 2010

The National Commission for Women (NCW) wants the Supreme Court to rule on whether a woman can be held liable for cruelty under dowry law if she threatens to “force” her son to take divorce. 

“Whether threatening a daughter-in-law that she (the mother-in-law) would force the son to take a divorce not amount to mental cruelty thereby clearly attracting Section 498A (dowry harassment) of the IPC?” the commission has sought a judicial clarification from the apex court. 

It has further asked the court to decide if “advising” a daughter-in-law to take divorce by mutual consent and inducing her with a monetary compensation amounts to cruelty as defined under Section 498A.
The top women’s body has sought these clarifications in a curative petition filed before a Bench headed by Justice P Sathasivam against a July 27, 2009 Supreme Court judgment. 

“In this judgment, this court has held that (a) kicking a daughter-in-law; (b) constantly threatening her that they (in-laws) would convince their son to take divorce does not amount to cruelty as under Section 498A (dowry harassment) of the IPC,” states the NCW petition filed by advocate Aparna Bhat. 

The commission said it had, during the “course of its work”, found dowry harassment and domestic violence “more of a norm than an aberration and the law has to be interpreted in a manner beneficial to women in distress”.
The 2009 judgment of Justices S B Sinha and Cyriac Joseph had quashed dowry harassment charges instituted against Bhaskar Lal Sharma and his wife by their daughter-in-law, Monica, who accused them of physically harming her and threatening her with divorce. 

Section 498A says it amounts to ‘cruelty’ if a husband or his relative wilfully subjects a woman to actions that may drive her to commit suicide or cause grave injury to herself. A person is liable to undergo a maximum imprisonment of three years if found guilty. 

The petition asks the court whether “constantly interfering in the marriage of a newly married couple by advising a daughter-in-law to give divorce, kick her, and criticise her on a regular basis” match the definition of cruelty under Section 498A of the IPC.

 Source IE

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RECOMMENDATIONS Third Monitoring & Evaluation Report 2009 on the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005

The M&E of the implementation of the PWDVA has reached another milestone in its third year. With the experience of having undertaken a nationwide evaluation of data with a primary emphasis on adequacy of infrastructure in the previous two years, the focus this year has shifted to a comprehensive assembling and analysis of the KAP of key stakeholders. Hence, in addition to finding continuing evidence of the need for effective and adequate infrastructure, the data analysed this year also points to the need to review certain aspects of the substantive and procedural law. Specific suggestions with regard to effective capacity-building of implementing agencies, towards ensuring adequate infrastructure, and creating a system of accountability for all the stakeholders have also been put forth.

Although a definitive conclusion as to the nature of amendments required in the PWDVA cannot be made at this nascent stage, recommendations highlighting the areas that require in-depth evaluation in the coming years have been provided in this chapter. In the next two years, LCWRI and ICRW seek to track these issues through data collection and analysis in order to suggest specific amendments to the PWDVA. The recommendations in this chapter have been provided with the understanding that the Law in order to be effective, ought to be responsive to the needs of its users and practices of the stakeholders.

Definitions and Coverage
Definitions

(1) There is a clear gap in the understanding of domestic violence as defined by the Law. While most stakeholders recognise emotional and verbal abuse as forms of violence under the Law, physical violence, which is visible in nature, appears to takes precedence over other forms. Sexual violence within marriage is clearly not recognized as a form of violence. This selective interpretation of domestic violence will and does influence the subsequent implementation of the Law by various stakeholders.

Trainings with stakeholders should be undertaken to clarify that domestic violence can take various forms and is not restricted to physical violence alone. The trainings must focus on sexual, emotional and verbal abuse as key components of the definition of domestic violence and undertake an in depth examination of these aspects so that women facing sexual, emotional or verbal violence receive as much attention from stakeholders as women facing physical domestic violence.

(2) Analysis of orders indicates that a combination of various forms of abuse are experienced and reported by the AP. This is consistent with our experience with Third Monitoring & Evaluation Report 2009 women who say that they face multiple forms of domestic violence, and is reiterated by the POs who say that domestic violence co-occurs1. The most common forms of abuse seem to be economic and physical (either singly or in combination with others). The predominant form of economic abuse reported is dispossession or the threat of dispossession of the AP from the shared household and refusal to provide maintenance.

This trend strengthens the case for equitable distribution of matrimonial property and underscores the continuing relevance of the issue of dowry and the need to strengthen the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961.

(3) The right to reside remains an area of major concern for women. There is much confusion amongst the implementing agencies as to the scope of the definition of right to reside. Many POs and Police officials were unable to distinguish between the right to reside and the right to share in the property. Many felt that the Act gives the AP a right of ownership over property, which it does not. The right to reside is most affected by the Supreme Court judgment in Batra v Batra. The analysis of orders show that this judgment has been used to deny Residence Orders to married women and widows by providing the reasoning that since the premises belong to the mother-in-law and fatherin- law, and not the husband the home is not a shared household. However, what is encouraging is that in both Delhi and Maharashtra, the courts have distinguished the facts of the cases before them from that of Batra. They have upheld the AP’s right to reside, on the ground that in Batra v Batra, the husband’s claim to have left the house of his parents was false and done with the intention of denying the right of the wife.

There appears to be a clear need to further explain the scope of “shared household”under the Act and the right to reside as providing a right of residence, irrespective of ownership, title, or interest in the premises

Coverage: Aggrieved Person and Respondent

(4) As recorded in the previous M&E Reports, married women continue to remain the primary users of the PWDVA followed by widows. While the information gathered from order analysis shows that applications by daughters were limited, mothers have used the Law in a number of instances. However, by and large there appears to be a perception that the Act is predominantly a matrimonial law. A fair level of misunderstanding exists with regard to key concepts such as the definition of AP2 and of Respondent3. In the case of the AP, it arises mainly in the case of a mother-in-law wanting to fi le a complaint against her daughter-in-law. With regard to the Respondent, there seems to be general clarity that it is ‘any adult male person;’ the husband is shown to be the sole Respondent in a majority of orders examined. However, the confusion arises with regard to female relatives of the ‘adult male’ and is prevalent amongst the Judiciary as well.

Whilst trainings and awareness creation can help reduce the confusion with regard to these definitions, there still remains a need to revisit these definitions in the PWDVA. Perhaps a clarification is needed, that, female relatives of the husband/male partner come within the purview of the Act

Practices and Procedures
Pre-Litigation

(5) Counselling at the pre-litigation and litigation stage of proceedings have completely different objectives and requirements, which are rarely understood by all the relevant stakeholders. At the pre-litigation stage, counselling should be provided to the AP to restore her self-esteem, provide emotional support and assist her in making an informed decision as to whether she wants to initiate legal proceedings. As far as the Respondent is concerned, the focus should be on helping them acknowledge their past acts of violence and counsel them to stop further violence. The objective of court directed counselling at the litigation stage is mainly to prevent violence, and where the woman so desires, attempt settlement. It is difficult to gauge who is providing counselling services at the pre-litigation stage. However, findings have made it clear that women need pre-litigation counselling in  addition to pre-litigation advice as provided under Section 5 of the Act. The courts appear to continue to rely heavily on counselling and mediation. However, the concern here remains whether the courts are able to distinguish between counselling, mediation and settlement.

Therefore, there is a need to understand counselling as mandated by the Law and its intent, in order to counter practices that might work against that intent. Findings clearly indicate that the meaning and objective of counselling under the Law, by whom and at what stage, need further elaboration. Hence, counselling needs to be defi ned and its objective at both the pre-litigation and litigation stages needs to be clarifi ed through appropriate amendments to the provisions on counselling under the Act and Rules.

(6) The objective and purpose of the DIR, of serving as a documentary record/evidence of violence and simplifying the procedural requirements in accessing courts, has not translated into practice. Findings have indicated that POs neither fi ll out a DIR each time a woman approach them, nor do they maintain any other record of the woman’s complaint or visit. This could have negative implications in case the woman decides to fi le a case in court at a later stage as no record of the history of violence would be available. Better understanding with regard to the purpose of the DIR is required. Perhaps practice directions from relevant High Courts clarifying this issue would help achieve uniform interpretation and usage.

Litigation

(7) Findings from order analysis in Delhi lend credence to the fact that in the absence of a DIR to accompany the application fi led before the court, it is the woman whose interest gets compromised. In practice, the courts appear to interpret the proviso to Section 12(1) of the Act to mean that a DIR needs to be recorded by the PO or that they must necessarily consider the information contained in the DIR before passing any order under the Act. This problematic interpretation by the courts may therefore make a difference between availability of speedy reliefs and delays in proceedings. One of the most disturbing observations has been the lack of information/limited reference made to the role played by POs in the process of litigation.This finding needs to be tracked and verified in the coming years to develop a better understanding about the role of POs within the litigation process.

(8) In most states, the practice of POs seeking assistance from Police in the discharge of specific functions under the PWDVA is gradually emerging. However, usually, it is  only upon court direction that such assistance is provided. This can be attributed to the common misconception amongst the Police that as the PWDVA is a civil law; they have a limited or no role to play in its implementation. Therefore, clarity on the role of the Police in the implementation of the PWDVA, perhaps by way of trainings or directives is essential to ensure consistency in the nature of assistance provided by them. Both the Police Department and the Judiciary are ideally placed to provide such directions.

(9) As in the previous M&E Reports, reliefs that are most commonly sought and granted are Maintenance Orders, Protection Orders and Residence Orders, with Maintenance Orders being the most commonly granted, followed by Protections Orders and then Residence Orders. The relief of maintenance sought is primarily on refusal to maintain the wife and children as well as desertion or dispossession from the shared household. The number of ex-parte/ad-interim orders being granted is extremely low. This is a negative trend as it defeats the purpose of granting immediate relief to the woman facing domestic violence and extricating her from a violent environment. Hence, it is strongly recommended that the courts do not hesitate to grant ex-parte or ad-interim orders where there is a prima facie case and where the denial can, and often does, lead to imminent harm or danger. Interim orders are being granted in Delhi and Maharashtra and Maintenance Orders are the most frequently provided interim relief. However, more emphasis needs to be placed on the significance of immediately granting interim orders. They should be granted as a matter of routine whenever the AP can prove a prima facie case in her favour, without going into technicalities of procedure. 

(10) The PWDVA vests the Judiciary with discretionary powers with regard to procedure to be followed when dealing with domestic violence cases. This was done
with the intention of allowing the Judiciary space for creative interpretation and initiative. However, in certain instances, it appears that this discretionary power is resulting in a lack of uniformity in procedures being followed. Therefore, it may be recommended that there is a need for guidance with regard to procedures. In the absence of amendments to the Act, this could be provided by High Courts in order to address the confusion or delays but at the same time, care must be taken to ensure that the directions provided do not defeat the intention and object of the Law.

(11) By and large, the procedure being adopted by the court is that at the interim stage, decisions are based on affidavits in Form III while at the final stage, Section 125 CrPC procedure is followed. A unique but disturbing trend of a large number of compromises or settlements has emerged9 in Gujarat. Although it was not possible to determine the reasons for this trend, perhaps in many of these cases compromises are imposed on women in the name of maintaining family, which in the process expose her to continued and/or even greater violence. In view of the fact that a similar finding emerged in case of Himachal Pradesh in the Second M&E Report, it is essential to undertake a detailed analysis of this development in states where such high rates of settlement and compromise have been observed over a period of time, to understand the factors that encourage such high rates of settlements. 

(12) Order analysis has revealed a trend where a majority of appeals are being preferred at the interim stage of the proceedings as opposed to being made against final orders. This is of concern as the execution of the interim order passed gets stalled during the appeal proceedings. Thus this practice should not be allowed and encouraged as it defeats the purpose of providing immediate reliefs to the woman in order to extricate her from the violent environment. It is recommended that the Act should be amended to the effect that appeals are disallowed at the interim stage in domestic violence cases and are disposed of within a stipulated time frame so as to prevent prolonged proceedings that defeat the very purpose of immediate reliefs mandated under the Act.

Post-Litigation

(13) Filing complaints for breach under Section 31 the PWDVA remains the predominant method of enforcement of orders. However, one of the problematic aspects that require the immediate attention of the higher Judiciary as well as policy makers is that, in a majority of cases, no direction for enforcement/compliance of orders is included in the orders themselves. This acts as a barrier for the woman who must approach the court separately for such a direction. It is recommended that a direction for enforcement be contained in the order and in addition the courts direct the Police to assist the POs in the enforcement of the order should the need arise. Further, a mechanism, to track orders passed by courts and their subsequent execution, needs to be set up.

(14) Findings10 indicated that the court is failing to provide updates to the Pos regarding the proceedings of the case and copies of orders from the court are also not being forwarded to them. This acts as a barrier in the implementation of the PWDVA, as POs are expected to enforce orders.

Infrastructure

(15) There has been a gradual increase in the appointment of independent POs on a full-time basis over the past 3 years. Whilst it is desirable that a cadre of independent, full-time POs with the requisite qualifications and gendered perspective be appointed, they would not be effective without adequate infrastructure and budget such as allowance for transport, mobile phone, private office space, and official letterheads and so on. Thus, what is needed is not merely infrastructural aid but institutional status as well. There is a need to review and perhaps ensure some uniformity in the qualifications of POs, particularly in view of the need to appoint a full-time cadre of POs to effectively implement the Law. However, a defi nitive conclusion as to what the qualification and role of the PO ought to be can only be arrived at following a separate study which includes comprehensive data collection and analysis of practices in this regard across the states. Regular and systematic assessments and reviews should be undertaken by states with regard to the type of support being given to POs. This will facilitate an assessment of whether or not suffi cient support is being given to the POs to enable them to perform the role that is envisioned under the Law. If it is the case that support is lacking, then this can be looked into and rectifi ed. If it is the case that despite the support being given, the PO is still unable to perform his/her duty,then the state can consider what other types of support should and could be made available to the PO .

(16) Ambiguity surrounds the issue of who is to serve notice, the limitations faced by POs when they are required to do so, and the resultant difficulties faced by women litigants. Hence, there is a clear need to address this issue and provide the requisite personnel/assistance to POs or in the alternative, designate the Police/court process servers to undertake this responsibility. The High Courts of Delhi and Andhra Pradesh have set a good example by bringing clarity and consistency through their practice directions.
(17) The collation of national infrastructure data highlighted the fact that three years after the coming into force of the Act, nodal departments of most states were still unable to provide detailed information about the role of SPs, Shelter Homes and Medical Facilities as it is still not clearly visible. Hence, there is a need for coordination between stakeholders and the adoption of a uniform practice of reporting to nodal departments regarding their structure and functioning, as discussed further in the Monitoring and Accountability section below.

Budgetary Allocations

(18) To date, it has been reported that 17 states have made budgetary allocations for the implementation of the PWDVA. However, there is no systematic basis for making these allocations, and much is left to the discretion of the individual states. There is a definite need to increase budget for support and for allocation of funds to implement the Act. It is suggested that a scheme should be formulated to ensure a regular annual flow of a specified amount every year with ongoing financial monitoring.

Awareness Creation and Capacity Building
 
(19) The findings of this Report highlight the fact that knowledge of the Law and attitudes of the stakeholders hold equal importance as an imbalance of either can hinder or frustrate the objective of the Law. Further, it is clear that there are gaps in the understanding of the PWDVA and its coverage amongst Police, POs and Judiciary which need to be addressed. Trainings undertaken by LCWRI have demonstrated that there is a significant level of positive change that can be achieved even through limited (in terms of length and exposure) interventions, if there is comprehensive coverage of the Law and a gendered approach is adopted. This leads to the assumption that for all stakeholders to be covered and for the impact to be sustained, there is a critical need for systematic and more intensive trainings. In order to achieve this, trainings must be institutionalised and the primary responsibility must vest with nodal departments and training academies. As a first step, states should undertake systematic orientation training on the PWDVA, thereby having a trained and sensitised body of implementers of the Law from the outset. This should particularly be ensured every time a cadre of POs, new batches of Police Officers and Judges are inducted into their respective services. This ought to be followed up with special refresher programmes for in-service officers. Professionals and persons with expertise in the area of gender and domestic violence should be invited to conduct these training programmes. In fact, the training interventions conducted with the Judiciary, made it clear that Judges respond well to professional experts such as medical professionals, Lawyers etc. At the same time, a specific component of gender sensitisation with a specialist exploring the attitudes of the Judges is crucial.

(20) The LCWRI model of capacity building or Training Interventions to bridge gaps and ensure effective implementation of the Law works effectively, as indicated by our findings. It is recommended and hoped that the participants trained will take on the responsibility of further training and sharing information and knowledge gained with their colleagues and juniors. However, this is an aspect that would require some time and tracking in the years to come.

(21) There are gaps in awareness and knowledge amongst the POs on specific  procedures to be followed in general and with regard to the fi lling of DIRs, serving of notice and reporting of breach in particular. With regard to the Police, findings are clearly indicative of gendered perceptions. As the Police are often the first to be approached by women facing domestic violence, these gendered perceptions, if not addressed through appropriate training and sensitisation workshops can be impending barriers to women accessing the law. Hence, training programmes with the POs, Police and other relevant stakeholders need to be conducted to address this issue in a comprehensive manner.

Monitoring and Accountability

(22) The existence of varied practices and lack of adequate infrastructure, budget and trainings across the states reiterates the need to institutionalise the M&E of the implementation of the PWDVA. The State needs to adopt a comprehensive system for the monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of the Law on an annual basis as recommended in the First and Second M&E Reports.

(23) To date, there is no system of mandatory reporting to the nodal department by all stakeholders. In fact, the information provided by the nodal departments show that it is only the POs who report to them. Therefore, over a period of time, a misconceived assumption has developed; that it is mainly the PO who is responsible for the implementation of the PWDVA and that other stakeholders do not have much of a role to play. Hence, there is an urgent need to ensure accountability through developing a robust system of mandatory reporting on specific indicators15 for all stakeholders, including the Judiciary. As the Judiciary follows a distinct reporting structure, it is recommended that there is regular sharing of information regarding the PWDVA between the higher Judiciary and the nodal departments.

(24) Currently, performance in cases fi led under the PWDVA does not form a part of the criteria against which the Judiciary is evaluated. Provision of information as to the exact nature of the cases is left to the discretion of the individual Judge. The issue of domestic violence should be given the priority and focus it deserves. Therefore, it is recommended that cases fi led under the PWDVA should be included as part of the duty performance system of the Judiciary. A similar approach can also be followed in case of POs, with the development of an incentive-based performance and appraisal system to facilitate accountability and better implementation of the Law.

(25) A major obstacle in the identification of the total number of cases fi led before the courts under the PWDVA, arises due to the existing system of registering and labeling cases. In some courts it is a miscellaneous application, while in some, it is registered as a criminal case or a domestic violence case. Uniformity in the description and registration of the cases under the PWDVA in the Court Registry is a much needed requirement.The First M&E Report identified three models of implementation of the PWDVA. This year’s M&E Report has not been able to track the existence of these models, across all states due to the specifi c focus on a few states. However, these models continue to exist in the 3 states studied this year, Andhra Pradesh (Public Model), Rajasthan (Private Model) and Delhi (Mixed Model). Tracking these models continue to remain relevant in the years to come.

PWDVA – PROTECTION OF WOMEN FROM DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ACT

LCWRI- LAWYERS COLLECTIVE WOMENS RIGHTS INITIATIVE

PO – PROTECTION OFFICERS

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